Genava55

Nor the VVER 1000 or the VVER 1200 have the major flaw of RBMK reactors. RBMK were using graphite and lacked a containment building. The Chernobyl disaster was due to several major issues we never saw in any western plants and a particular context, that the people controlling the plant were unaware of the flaws. Honestly bringing Chernobyl in the topic is terrible, this is simply a dull scarecrow. Which are generally.... small projects. Hydroelectric dams, large solar farms, offshore wind turbines... every large project related to renewable suffer from the same issues as nuclear plants. And renewable energy is cheap when it is a small part of the grid, but the larger it gets, the more expensive it becomes. It is hard to control, hard to distribute, hard to maintain. The network is much more complex.

Welcome to real world, every large project has this issue. Like what? Are you insinuating there are the same technological flaws? https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rooppur_Nuclear_Power_Plant

A French report says that an entire grid with nuclear production (mixed with 50/50 nuclear/renewable) is much cheaper than 100% renewable or 87% renewable. Including the construction cost, waste management cost and decommission cost.

I am not sure. Maybe. I know Iberians from the North-East collected heads. Hands I don't know. As far as I know, the genetical differences between Iberians or Etruscans are small with their neighbors. On the Iberian peninsula, the change mostly happened during the early Bronze Age but for everyone. https://www.nationalgeographic.com/science/article/ancient-iberians-dna-from-steppe-men-spain https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6436108/ https://www.uma.es/sala-de-prensa/noticias/reconstruyen-la-historia-genomica-de-la-peninsula-iberica-de-los-ultimos-8000-anos/ https://www.lavanguardia.com/vida/20190314/461028099943/la-asombrosa-historia-de-la-peninsula-iberica-a-traves-de-8000-anos-de-adn.html

Celtiberians collected hands that's correct but generaly the right hands. So it isn't right (pun intended).

A bunch of videos on nuclear energy

Cherry picking the particular case of Hinkley Point C ? Anyway electricity price is complicated in UK: https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-07-30/u-k-power-is-so-high-that-edf-hinkley-reactor-looks-good-value The problem is more the UK than the nuclear plant but whatever. https://www.iea.org/reports/projected-costs-of-generating-electricity-2020 France is producing more than 70% of its electricity from nuclear. So...

It is cheap enough and much more stable/consistant. Hydroelectric dams are worst than nuclear plants, they killed much more people and polluted much more as well (for example the methylation of mercure occuring in South America).

The last one is a playlist

France is mostly nuclear. It has little impact.

I like the idea. It will give them a short edge, not too early and not too late. I think the Romans should have a population bonus. Their manpower was enormous for the time:

I suggest you to break down the implementation in different steps and to stay simple for the first steps. Aiming directly for 25 units would be a bit difficult. Including a rock throwing unit would require a new animation. ---------------- To be viable, the civilization would require at least: - new male and female citizens - javelineer - slinger - spearman - swordsman - light cavalryman - heavy cavalryman (spear or sword) - two champion units. - two unique techs - a civilization bonus - three heroes At first you can reuse models from the Iberians, like the caetra and the falcata, and change only the texture of the body.

By the way, I noticed a potential issue in a previous post of Ardworix (one more to the list). He claimed the Lusitanians wore black cloths but actually it isn't related to Lusitanians. About it, also Diodorus Sciculus: Actually, he manipulated the quotes for purposes. The whole quote from Strabo should be this (the translation is different but you will see the issue): Bastetania is actually there: https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bastetania For Diodorus Siculus, the quote is actually about Celtiberians:

Looks like a kind of männerbund and it would explain why there is a stelae among Cantabrians depicting a warrior with a wolf-hood. Männerbunde are generally associated to wolf or dog in Indo-European societies. I suggest the Lusitanians should have a special unit called Lusitanian young or Lusitanian raider. It could be simply the standard javelineer unit but with a bonus of speed. Which by itself would be a pain in the *** and a good advantage if given at the start.

I would say a javelineer would work fine. Strabo's account is short and could be an example of an emblematic case: Diodorus Siculus mention also that the young Lusitanians were used to plunder other lands to learn the way of war.

Sorry, but the excerpts you are quoting say exactly otherwise. All the fire darts comes from the town, not from the camp of Pompey's sons. Gnæus Pompeius is not actively participating in the defense of the town since he is himself rebuilding his camps and fortifications. Chapter 6: "Caesar began to assault Ategua by surrounding it with siege works and fortified lines." Chapter 7: "It was in this direction, namely that of Ategua, that Pompeius had his camp pitched in the mountains in sight of both towns, without, however, venturing to come to the aid of his comrades. He had the eagles and standards of thirteen legions; but among those which he thought afforded him any solid support two were native legions, having deserted from Trebonius; a third had been raised from the local Roman settlers; a fourth was one which was once commanded by Afranius and which Pompeius had brought with him from Africa while the rest were made up of runaways or auxiliaries." Chapter 8: "To take the present instance: Pompeius had his camp established between the above-mentioned towns of Ategua and Ucubi, in sight of both of them; and some four miles distant from his camp there lies a hillock, a natural elevation which goes by the name of the Camp of Postumius and there Caesar had established a fort for purposes of defence." Chapter 10: "That night Pompeius burned his camp and proceeded to march towards Corduba." Chapter 11: "At the third watch of the night there was very sharp fighting in the area of the town, and many fire-brands were discharged." Chapter 12: "At the second watch the enemy observed his usual custom of hurling from the town a large quantity of fire-brands and missiles, spending a good long time in the process and wounding a large number. When the night had now passed they made a sally against the Sixth legion when our men were busily occupied on a field-work, and began a brisk engagement; but their sharp attack was contained by our troops despite the support which the townsmen derived from the higher ground. Having once embarked upon their sally, our opponents were nonetheless repulsed by the gallantry of our troops, although the latter were labouring under the disadvantage of a lower position; and after sustaining very heavy casualties they withdrew back into the town." Chapter 13: "On the next day Pompeius began to carry a line of fortifications from his camp to the river Salsum" Chapter 14: "Earlier on that day Pompeius established a fort across the river Salsum without meeting any opposition from our troops" Chapter 15: "Later on that day the old routine was observed and fighting broke out along the battlements. After discharging a very large number of missile weapons and firebrands at our troops, who were on the defensive, the enemy embarked upon an abominable and completely ruthless outrage; for in our sight they proceeded to massacre some of their hosts in the town, and to fling them headlong from the battlements — a barbarous act, and one for which history can produce no precedent." Chapter 16: "In the closing hours of this day the Pompeians sent a courier, without the knowledge of our men, with instructions that in the course of that night those in the town should set our towers and rampart on fire and make a sally at the third watch. Accordingly, after they had hurled fire-brands and a quantity of missile weapons and spent a very large part of the night in so doing, they opened the gate which lay directly opposite Pompeius' camp and was in sight of it, and made a sally with their entire forces." Yeah but that the point of my message. The Lusitanians are with Pompeius (Pompey's son) not in the town. Well just to go back to your older messages: I really have the feeling to read a chauvinistic teenager. Bye.

Those are not mercenaries but auxiliaries, that a detail but it matters. Anyway the Lusitanians ARE NOT in Ategua, they are not throwing fire darts. They are with Pompey's sons in his camp. This is even explicitly told when two Lusitanian brothers flee the camp of Pompey and surrender to Caesar, reporting information said by Pompey's sons. The Lusitanians were with Pompey's sons, not in the town of Ategua. You were wrong, you can simply move on. Change your tone. If you mean my proposal, following one made by @Duileoga, to follow a successive variation of the body armor with experience, this is simply a standard in 0AD. Most civilization follow this simple rule. For example, the hoplites for the Greek civs do not have a body armor at the basic. Each unit have three experience levels with a model associated. Basic, Advanced, Elite. It is important that the player can easily catch the change among his troops and among enemy's troops. The most common for the basic is to have no body armor. The Greek hoplite do not have a body armor, it doesn't mean he is not a heavy infantryman. I think you are overreacting here but whatever. If you want organic armor for the basic version, I don't care. I am not against.

This is from Bellum Hispaniensis (Spanish War) chapter 12 to 16, but it describes the siege of Ategua (nearby Cordoba) in Baetica. The Lusitanians aren't involved before the chapter 30, where they faced Caesar at Munda as an auxiliary force brought by Pompey's sons. So excuse me, but your quote corroborates this is a habit from the Iberian natives. The defenders of Ategua used fire darts against Caesar. Anyone can verify it here: https://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Caesar/Spanish_War/text*.html

I think it is from Silius Italicus: "§ 1.343 exploit of your general! Is this the glorious news with which we intend to fill Italy? Are these the battles whose rumour we send before us? Fired by his words their courage rose high; the spirit of Hannibal sank deep into their hearts and inspired them; and the thought of wars to come spurred them on. They attack the rampart with bare hands and, when thrust down from the walls, leave there their severed limbs. A high mound was erected and placed parties of combatants above the city. But the besieged were protected and the enemy kept away from the gates by the falarica, which many arms at once were wont to poise. This was a missile of wood, terrible to behold, a beam chosen from the high mountains of the snow-covered Pyrenees, a weapon whose long iron point even walls could scarce withstand. Then the shaft, smeared with oily pitch and rubbed all round with black sulphur, sent forth smoke. When hurled like a thunderbolt from the topmost walls of the citadel, it clove the furrowed air with a flickering flame, even as a fiery meteor, speeding from heaven to earth, dazzles men's eyes with its blood-red tail. This weapon often confounded Hannibal when it carried aloft the smoking limbs of his men by its swift stroke; and, when in its flight it struck the side of a huge tower, it kindled a fire which burnt till all the woodwork of the tower was utterly consumed, and buried men and arms together under the blazing ruins. But at last the Carthaginians retreated from the rampart, sheltered by the close-packed shields of the serried tortoise, and sapped the wall unseen till it collapsed, and made a breach into the town." And from Livy: "8. For the next few days, while the general's hurt was healing, there was rather a blockade than1 an assault; but though during this interval there was rest from combat, yet was there no slackening in the preparation of engines and defences. Accordingly the fighting broke out afresh more fiercely than before, and pent-houses began to be pushed forward and rams brought up at many points, though in some places the ground would hardly admit of them. The Phoenician was lavishly equipped with men —he is credibly supposed to have had a hundred and fifty thousand under arms —but the townsmen, who, in order to guard and defend every quarter, had been divided into numerous companies, found their strength inadequate. And so now the walls were being battered with rams and in many places had been severely shaken. One section, giving way continuously for some distance, had exposed the town: three towers in a row, together with the wall connecting them, had come down with a loud crash. The Phoenicians believed that the town was taken with that breach, through which from either side men rushed to attack, as though the wall had protected both parties alike. It was not at all like the mellays that commonly occur in sieges, where one side gets an opportunity, but regular battle lines had formed, as in an open field, between the ruins of the wall and the buildings of the city, which stood at some distance off. On this side hope, on that despair inspired courage. The Phoenicians believed the city to be theirs, if they put forth a little effort. The Saguntines opposed their bodies to defend their city, denuded of its walls, nor would one of them draw back his foot lest he admit an enemy to the spot which he had vacated. And the harder both sides fought and the more they crowded in together, the greater was the number of those wounded, for no missile fell without taking effect on shield or body. The Saguntines had a javelin, called a phalarica, with a shaft of fir, which was round except at the end whence the iron projected; this part, four-sided as in the pilum, they wrapped with tow and smeared with pitch. Now the iron was three feet long, that it might be able to go through both shield and body. But what chiefly made it terrible, even if it stuck fast in the shield and did not penetrate the body, was this, that when it had been lighted at the middle and so hurled, the flames were fanned to a fiercer heat by its very motion, and it forced the soldier to let go his shield, and left him unprotected against the blows that followed." So I must disagree with you (once again).

Is Miguel Sanches Baêma the full name? I don't find anything over google scholar: The only place where I can find him is on a forum. But did he publish anything (book, article etc.)? https://recons-iberoceltica.forumeiros.com/t111-os-armamentos-dos-lusitanos-nas-campanhas-de-viriato Thank you for the reference. Although I find it difficult to follow his logic. He says basically that the Celtiberians are influencing the North-Eastern Iberians because there is La Tène weapons in North-Eastern Iberia. In his mind, La Tène weapons = Celtiberian influence. The problem I have with his opinion is that it has been discussed several times in the literature that the La Tène weapons were not typical in Celtiberian context. For example, the La Tène shield boss is more frequent in the North-East than it is among the Celtiberians. The same goes for the Celtic iron montefortino, which is purely La Tène but is not found in Celtiberian context but only in Iberian context: So it is not valid to say that long shields are equivalent of Celtiberian influence and that anything representing long shields is depicting Celtiberian influence. In fact it is probably the reverse that happened, the Celtiberians adopted the long shields during the 2nd century BC, after it was adopted among the Iberians. The problem with your opinion is that it follows this logic: Everything among Iberians is valid for Celtiberians. Everything among Celtiberians is valid for Lusitanians. Therefore everything among Iberians is valid for Lusitanians. In my opinion, this is sophistry. References: https://www.academia.edu/728177/_Patterns_of_interaction_Celtic_and_Iberian_weapons_in_Iron_Age_Spain_?fbclid=IwAR2OWR_RHZeg1RSCqG_oC8G1mMQcbra3rEIvBusM4kDdHtT2L2Xm9m0nA58 https://www.academia.edu/727108/_Montefortino-type_and_related_helmets_in_the_Iberian_Peninsula_a_study_in_archaeological_context_ https://www.academia.edu/29051656/Elmi_Montefortino_nel_Mediterraneo_occidentale