Genava55

Naval battle between a Liburna and a Picenian fleet according to the Novilara tablets: 6th or 5th century BC. J.-C.

Hjortspring boat: Nydam boat:

C. Julius Caesar, Gallic War, book 3, 13-15: For their ships were built and equipped after this manner. The keels were somewhat flatter than those of our ships, whereby they could more easily encounter the shallows and the ebbing of the tide: the prows were raised very high, and, in like manner the sterns were adapted to the force of the waves and storms [which they were formed to sustain]. The ships were built wholly of oak, and designed to endure any force and violence whatever; the benches which were made of planks a foot in breadth, were fastened by iron spikes of the thickness of a man's thumb; the anchors were secured fast by iron chains instead of cables, and for sails they used skins and thin dressed leather. These [were used] either through their want of canvas and their ignorance of its application, or for this reason, which is more probable, that they thought that such storms of the ocean, and such violent gales of wind could not be resisted by sails, nor ships of such great burden be conveniently enough managed by them. The encounter of our fleet with these ships' was of such a nature that our fleet excelled in speed alone, and the plying of the oars; other things, considering the nature of the place [and] the violence of the storms, were more suitable and better adapted on their side; for neither could our ships injure theirs with their beaks (so great was their strength), nor on account of their height was a weapon easily cast up to them; and for the same reason they were less readily locked in by rocks. To this was added, that whenever a storm began to rage and they ran before the wind, they both could weather the storm more easily and heave to securely in the shallows, and when left by the tide feared nothing from rocks and shelves: the risk of all which things was much to be dreaded by our ships. Caesar, after taking many of their towns, perceiving that so much labor was spent in vain and that the flight of the enemy could not be prevented on the capture of their towns, and that injury could not be done them, he determined to wait for his fleet. As soon as it came up and was first seen by the enemy, about 220 of their ships, fully equipped and appointed with every kind of [naval] implement, sailed forth from the harbor, and drew up opposite to ours; nor did it appear clear to Brutus, who commanded the fleet, or to the tribunes of the soldiers and the centurions, to whom the several ships were assigned, what to do, or what system of tactics to adopt; for they knew that damage could not be done by their beaks; and that, although turrets were built [on their decks], yet the height of the stems of the barbarian ships exceeded these; so that weapons could not be cast up from [our] lower position with sufficient effect, and those cast by the Gauls fell the more forcibly upon us. One thing provided by our men was of great service, [viz.] sharp hooks inserted into and fastened upon poles, of a form not unlike the hooks used in attacking town walls. When the ropes which fastened the sail-yards to the masts were caught by them and pulled, and our vessel vigorously impelled with the oars, they [the ropes] were severed; and when they were cut away, the yards necessarily fell down; so that as all the hope of the Gallic vessels depended on their sails and rigging, upon these being cut away, the entire management of the ships was taken from them at the same time. The rest of the contest depended on courage; in which our men decidedly had the advantage; and the more so, because the whole action was carried on in the sight of Caesar and the entire army; so that no act, a little more valiant than ordinary, could pass unobserved, for all the hills and higher grounds, from which there was a near prospect of the sea were occupied by our army. The sail yards [of the enemy], as we have said, being brought down, although two and [in some cases] three ships [of theirs] surrounded each one [of ours], the soldiers strove with the greatest energy to board the ships of the enemy; and, after the barbarians observed this taking place, as a great many of their ships were beaten, and as no relief for that evil could be discovered, they hastened to seek safety in flight. And, having now turned their vessels to that quarter in which the wind blew, so great a calm and lull suddenly arose, that they could not move out of their place, which circumstance, truly, was exceedingly opportune for finishing the business; for our men gave chase and took them one by one, so that very few out of all the number, [and those] by the intervention of night, arrived at the land, after the battle had lasted almost from the fourth hour till sun-set.

Which civs would have the boarding ships and which civs would have the ramming ships?

Yeah. Obviously it would be a necessity to develop a concept including smaller ships as well. Maybe every civ could have : - large canoe like hjortspring boats for boarding (capture). - large canoe but with javelin throwers instead. - Merchant ship converted to platform for archers/slingers, with higher board. A bit like the ship used by the Veneti against Caesar. The merchant ship would be resistant to the boarding ship. But weak against the javelin ship. Boarding ship would be efficient against javelin ship. Med. Civs would have upgraded version of those ships, with biremes instead of canoe for exemple etc. But following the same logic. Med. Civs could have also new kind of ships like the ramming ships and artillery ships. Ramming ships could be a concept replacing the suicidal boats. Relying on a special attack that take time to load. Since suicidal boats and greek fire ships aren't mentioned in the classical literature.

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fifth-century_Athens The golden age of Athens is the 5th century BC. So we should restrict the civ to this period and remove everything that appeared later, like the artillery.

Not really. Rome is the only case following this rule. And like you mentioned, saying the Punic Wars period is the golden age is very debatable, I would not agree on this for example. Honestly this is a bad idea and I am pretty sure most people would agree it should be changed. Furthermore the buildings are inspired from later architecture not the architecture from the Punic Wars. So it is even not coherent.

It seems dated to between 500 and 1400 AD https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Llanos_de_Moxos_(archaeology) https://aldianews.com/en/culture/heritage-and-history/hidden-jungle https://www.nature.com/articles/s41586-022-04780-4 https://arsartisticadventureofmankind.wordpress.com/tag/@#$%arani-culture/ https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/@#$%arani_culture https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nazca_culture https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lima_culture https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chavín_culture Chavin is probably the best choice.

With the addition of the Han, the Xiongnu and the Scythians are a must have.

Something interesting

Sorry for my tone but I didn't like the way you replied to my message. I simply shared the playlist from EB soundtracks and some of them are really interesting from a historical pov. Mostly the same, only a few changes between the two versions.

Learn more about EB2 then. Some of the music was made by Morgan Casey, Nick Wylie, Musica Romana, Prehistoric Music Ireland and The Persian Cataphract.

https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=pfbid02SH6hp9hyRm79oEDnvMMXMm6yVt7ZcGQtL9DYchhirfvNYmcfCbVKq3dVynyN7uiBl&id=100028835929955

Ton message n'est pas plus intelligent. D'abord tu as fait une remarque péjorative inappropriée, ensuite tu le provoques avec le ton que tu emploies et les accusations que tu lui portes.

Reference for mirror art: https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/H_1924-0109-1 https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/H_1873-1011-1 https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/H_1971-0401-1 https://www.britishmuseum.org/collection/object/H_1979-1002-1

Xenophon, "Constitution of the Lacedaimonians" 12: Seeing that the angles of a square are useless, he introduced the circular form of camp, except where there was a secure hill or wall, or a river afforded protection in the rear. [2] He caused sentries to be posted by day facing inwards along the place where the arms were kept, for the object of these is to keep an eye not on the enemy but on their friends. The enemy is watched by cavalry from positions that command the widest outlook. [3] To meet the case of a hostile approach at night, he assigned the duty of acting as sentries outside the lines to the Sciritae. In these days the duty is shared by foreigners, if any happen to be present in the camp. [4] The rule that patrols invariably carry their spears, has the same purpose, undoubtedly, as the exclusion of slaves from the place of arms. Nor is it surprising that sentries who withdraw for necessary purposes only go so far away from one another and from the arms as not to cause inconvenience. Safety is the first object of this rule also. [5] Thucydides, "History of the Peloponnesian War" 5.71: Before they had actually closed a thought occurred to Agis. All armies, when engaging, are apt to thrust outwards their right wing; and either of the opposing forces tends to outflank his enemy's left with his to outflank his enemy's left with his own right, because every soldier individually fears for his exposed side, which he tries to cover with the shield of his comrade on the right, conceiving that the closer he draws in the better he will be protected. The first man in the front rank of the right wing is originally responsible for the deflection, for he always wants to withdraw from the enemy his own exposed side, and the rest of the army, from a like fear, follow his example. In this battle the line of the Mantineans, who were on the Argive right wing, extended far beyond the Sciritae: [2] and still further, in proportion as the army to which they belonged was the larger, did the Lacedaemonians and Tegeans on the Lacedaemonian right wing extend beyond the Athenian left. [3] Agis was afraid that the Lacedaemonian left wing would be surrounded, and, thinking that the Mantineans outflanked them too far, he signalled to the Sciritae and the old soldiers of Brasidas to make a lateral movement away from his own division of the army, and so cover the line of the Mantineans: to fill up the space thus left vacant he ordered Hipponoidas and Aristocles, two of the polemarchs, to bring up their two divisions from the right wing, thinking that he would still have more troops than he wanted there, and that he would thus strengthen that part of his line which was opposed to the Mantineans. @AIEND During the battle of Mantinea (418 BC), it seems the Sciritae were fighting as a battle line. Thus, as infantrymen.

@LordGood Well done.

https://www.laopiniondemalaga.es/sociedad/2022/11/14/mano-irulegi-hallan-texto-antiguo-78547146.html Mano de Irulegi: hallan el texto más antiguo en lengua vascónica, precursora del euskera La inscripción, una pieza de bronce, data del siglo I a.C. y confirma la alfabetización de los antiguos vascones, con un sistema gráfico propio derivado de una variante del signario paleohispánico

English translation Tacitus, Germania, 39: The Semnones give themselves out to be the most ancient and renowned branch of the Suevi. Their antiquity is strongly attested by their religion. At a stated period, all the tribes of the same race assemble by their representatives in a grove consecrated by the auguries of their forefathers, and by immemorial associations of terror. Here, having publicly slaughtered a human victim, they celebrate the horrible beginning of their barbarous rite. Reverence also in other ways is paid to the grove. No one enters it except bound with a chain, as an inferior acknowledging the might of the local divinity. If he chance to fall, it is not lawful for him to be lifted up, or to rise to his feet; he must crawl out along the ground. All this superstition implies the belief that from this spot the nation took its origin, that here dwells the supreme and all-ruling deity, to whom all else is subject and obedient. The fortunate lot of the Semnones strengthens this belief; a hundred cantons are in their occupation, and the vastness of their community makes them regard themselves as the head of the Suevic race. Tacitus, Annals, 60: This language roused not only the Cherusci but the neighbouring tribes and drew to their side Inguiomerus, the uncle of Arminius, who had long been respected by the Romans. This increased Cæsar's alarm. That the war might not burst in all its fury on one point, he sent Cæcina through the Bructeri to the river Amisia with forty Roman cohorts to distract the enemy, while the cavalry was led by its commander Pedo by the territories of the Frisii. Germanicus himself put four legions on shipboard and conveyed them through the lakes, and the infantry, cavalry, and fleet met simultaneously at the river already mentioned. The Chauci, on promising aid, were associated with us in military fellowship. Lucius Stertinius was despatched by Germanicus with a flying column and routed the Bructeri as they were burning their possessions, and amid the carnage and plunder, found the eagle of the nineteenth legion which had been lost with Varus. The troops were then marched to the furthest frontier of the Bructeri, and all the country between the rivers Amisia and Luppia was ravaged, not far from the forest of Teutoburgium, where the remains of Varus and his legions were said to lie unburied. Tacitus, Annals, 61: Germanicus upon this was seized with an eager longing to pay the last honour to those soldiers and their general, while the whole army present was moved to compassion by the thought of their kinsfolk and friends, and, indeed, of the calamities of wars and the lot of mankind. Having sent on Cæcina in advance to reconnoitre the obscure forest-passes, and to raise bridges and causeways over watery swamps and treacherous plains, they visited the mournful scenes, with their horrible sights and associations. Varus's first camp with its wide circumference and the measurements of its central space clearly indicated the handiwork of three legions. Further on, the partially fallen rampart and the shallow fosse suggested the inference that it was a shattered remnant of the army which had there taken up a position. In the centre of the field were the whitening bones of men, as they had fled, or stood their ground, strewn everywhere or piled in heaps. Near, lay fragments of weapons and limbs of horses, and also human heads, prominently nailed to trunks of trees. In the adjacent groves were the barbarous altars, on which they had immolated tribunes and first-rank centurions. Some survivors of the disaster who had escaped from the battle or from captivity, described how this was the spot where the officers fell, how yonder the eagles were captured, where Varus was pierced by his first wound, where too by the stroke of his own ill-starred hand he found for himself death. They pointed out too the raised ground from which Arminius had harangued his army, the number of gibbets for the captives, the pits for the living, and how in his exultation he insulted the standards and eagles. Tacitus, Annals, 62: And so the Roman army now on the spot, six years after the disaster, in grief and anger, began to bury the bones of the three legions, not a soldier knowing whether he was interring the relics of a relative or a stranger, but looking on all as kinsfolk and of their own blood, while their wrath rose higher than ever against the foe. In raising the barrow Cæsar laid the first sod, rendering thus a most welcome honour to the dead, and sharing also in the sorrow of those present. This Tiberius did not approve, either interpreting unfavourably every act of Germanicus, or because he thought that the spectacle of the slain and unburied made the army slow to fight and more afraid of the enemy, and that a general invested with the augurate and its very ancient ceremonies ought not to have polluted himself with funeral rites. Spanish translation Tácito, Germania, 39: Los semnones dicen que son ellos los más antiguos y más nobles de los suevos, y confírmase la fe de su antigüedad con una ceremonia religiosa. En cierto tiempo del año se juntan todos los pueblos de aquella nación por sus embajadores en un bosque consagrado de sus antepasados con supersticiones y agüeros, y, matando públicamente un hombre, celebran los horribles principios de su bárbaro rito. Reverencian asimismo este bosque sagrado con otra ceremonia. Que ninguno entra en él sino atado como inferior, y mostrando y confesando en eso la potestad de Dios. Y si acaso cae, no le es lícito levantarse, y se ha de ir revolcando por el suelo. Y toda esta superstición se endereza a mostrar que allí ha tenido origen su gente; que Dios, señor de todos, habita allí, y que todas las demás cosas están sujetas y obedientes. Añade autoridad a esto la multitud de los semnones, porque habitan cien ciudades, y por su grandeza se tienen por cabeza de los suevos. Tácito, Anales, 60: Movieron estas palabras no sólo a los queruscos, pero las naciones vecinas; con que inducido a seguir su partido Inguiomaro, tío paterno de Arminio, de antigua autoridad y crédito con los romanos, pusieron al César en mayor cuidado; y así, temiendo que no le cargase encima todo el peso de la guerra, para divertir al enemigo envió a Cecina con cuarenta cohortes romanas al río Amisia, por las tierras de los brúcteros. Pedón, prefecto del campo, llevó la gente de a caballo por los confines de Frisa; él, haciendo embarcar cuatro legiones, las pasó por el lago, conque se vinieron a recoger junto a las riberas de aquel río, la infantería, caballería y armada. Los caucios, que ofrecían ayuda a los romanos, fueron recibidos en su compañía, y los brúcteros, que quemaban sus propias tierras, rotos por Lucio Estertinio, a quien Germánico envió contra ellos con gente suelta; el cual, entre la matanza y la presa, halló el águila de la legión diez y nueve, perdida con Varo. Pasó después el ejército a las últimas partes de los brúcteros habiéndose quemado el país que cierran los ríos Amisia y Lippa, no lejos del bosque de Teutobergue, donde decían hallarse todavía sin sepultura los huesos de las legiones de Varo. Tácito, Anales, 61: De aquí le vino deseo al César de hacer las funeralias a los capitanes y soldados muertos allí, movido a compasión todo el ejército, por la memoria de sus parientes y amigos, del caso mismo de la guerra y fortuna de los hombres. Fue enviado delante Cecina a reconocer la espesura de las selvas, hacer puentes y calzadas en los lugares pantanosos y atolladeros; marchan, pues, por aquellos lugares tristes y dolorosos, horribles a la vista y la memoria. Veíanse los primeros alojamientos de Varo, de gran circuito, y medidos los principios, mostraban ser de tres legiones; las trincheras después, medio arruinadas y el foso poco hondo, daban indicio de haberse retirado allí las reliquias del ejército. Veíanse por la campaña los huesos blanqueando, esparcidos o juntos, según habían huido o hecho rostro; pedazos de armas, huesos de caballos, cabezas de hombres ensartadas en los troncos, y en las selvas vecinas estaban los bárbaros altares sobre los cuales habían sido muertos los tribunos y los centuriones del primer orden. Algunos que se habían hallado en la rota, escapados de la refriega o prisión, decían: Aquí cayeron muertos los legados; allí tomaron los enemigos las águilas; acullá recibió Varo la primera herida, y allí, con su infelice mano, se atravesó el pecho; en qué tribunal hizo su parlamento Arminio; cuántas horcas mandó hacer para los cautivos; cuántas sepulturas; cómo y con cuánta soberbia hizo escarnio y burla de las banderas y de las águilas. Tácito, Anales, 62: Así el romano ejército, seis años después de aquel estrago, recogió los huesos de las tres legiones, sin poder discernir si eran de los extraños o de los suyos, cubriéndolos a todos con tierra, como si fueran de amigos o parientes, y aumentando con este acto el enojo y furor contra el enemigo. Al fabricar el túmulo, puso el César el primer césped, gratísimo para con los difuntos y compañero de los presentes en el dolor. No aprobó este hecho Tiberio, o porque daba siempre malos sentidos a las acciones de Germánico, o porque pensase que el ejército, con la vista de sus compañeros muertos y sin sepultura, se haría más lento para llegar a las manos y tendría más temor al enemigo. Fuera de que a un general ornado con el oficio de augur y de las más antiguas ceremonias divinas no le estaba bien hallarse en mortuorios.

The Semnonenhain is a good candidate but I don't know how to depict a grove properly. Is it possible to adapt the structure with the biome? Like calling an entity dynamically for the structure.

Nope. The special places of the Germans, like sanctuaries, gathering place, assemblies/senates were open-field and delimited with simple structures. One of the best preserved village is Feddersen Wierde but the biggest structure there is simply a longhaus.