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Parthians (or Arsacids) and Sasanians


Mega Mania
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The Sassanid army have allies but not all of them are permanent.

Arab Kingdom like the Lakhmids was a staunch ally for the Sassanid Empire until the reign of Kosrow II.

Others : Chionites, Hephthalites, Armenians and Turks, sometimes friendly but sometimes hostile due to the Empire's diplomatic policy.

i think that we must implement an embassy system

and chonnites were the huns!

https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Huno

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post-15682-0-04326600-1388632418_thumb.p

1. Chionite Heavy Pikeman

2. Chionite Elite Warrior

3. Sughdian Cavalry

4. Avar Cavalry

5. Chionite Cavalry

6. Chionite Archer


i think that we must implement an embassy system

and chonnites were the huns!

https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Huno

Or more precisely provincial administration building.


You need the Wikipedia in English articles.

http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/chionites-lat

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Try to paste into the part of we need.

CHIONITES (Lat. Chionitae, probably from Pahl. Xyōn/Hyōn [cf. Werner, pp. 525-29; Bailey, 1930-32a, p. 945], Av. X’iiaona [Hyaona]), a tribe of probable Iranian origin that was prominent in Bactria and Transoxania in late antiquity. The first mention of the Chionites is by the 4th-century Greek historian Ammianus Marcellinus (16.9.4), the chief authority on the events of the early history of the Chionites, in connection with the Sasanian emperor Šāpūr II (309-79 c.e.), who spent the winter of 356-57 c.e. in the territory of the Chionitae and Cuseni (amended from Euseni in the manuscripts, as suggested by Markwart, Ērānšahr, p. 36 n. 5), or Kushans. By 358 the Chionites and the Gelani (a tribe from which the name Gīlān is derived) were serving in his army (Ammianus, 17.5.1), evidence that he had succeeded in establishing military supremacy over them. As one of four main contingents (the others being the Albani [see albania], Gelani, and Sacae) in Šāpūr’s siege of Amida (modern Diyarbakır) in 359, during the war with the Roman emperor Constantius II (317-61; Ammianus 19.2.3; cf. Göbl, II, p. 287), they were responsible for the eastern section of the wall. Their king, Grumbates, lost a son in the battle, and the subsequent funeral ceremonies and cremation were vividly described by Ammianus (19.1.7­-19.2.1).

In the Avestan tradition (Yts. 9.30-31, 19.87) the X’iiaona were characterized as enemies of Vištāspa, the patron of Zoroaster, but it is not certain that they were the ones who are said to have worn pointed caps and helmets (uruui-xao’a uruui.vərəθra, both hapaxes) like those of the Sacae (Sakā tigraxaudā in the Achaemenid inscriptions), as assumed by Franz Altheim (I, pp. 52-53). Altheim also identified them with the Sacae, though Ammianus clearly distin­guished them in his report on the siege of Amida (19.2.3). The practice of cremation alone would, of course, have been sufficient to win them the hostility of Zoroastrians. In the Pahlavi tradition the Xyōn were among the enemies of Pērōz (459-84) in his struggle against the Hephthalites in the later 5th century (Bailey, 1954, p. 20; Klíma, pp. 119-20, 122-23). In Bahman yašt (4.58; ed. Anklesaria, pp. 34-35, 112) they are mentioned, along with the Turks, Khazars (see Bailey, 1943-46, pp. 1-2), and Tibetans, among the peoples destined to conquer Iran (cf. Bundahišn [TD 2], pp. 216-17; tr. Anklesaria, pp. 278-­79; Bailey, 1954, pp. 13-14). Three divisions were distinguished: the Xyōn with the Turks, who were mountain and desert dwellers (probably in Kūhestān beyond Samarkand); the Red and White Xyōn (karmīr and spēd Xyōn respectively; Bailey, 1930-32a, pp. 945-53) were included in the third group. In other Zoroastrian Pahlavi texts the White Xyōn are named among the enemies of Wištāsp who are doomed to final destruction because of their wickedness (Ayādgār ī ǰāmāspīg, chap. 96; cf. Bailey, 1930-32b, pp. 585-86, 591); they may have been the people referred to as the White Huns (Leukoì Oúnnoi) by Procopius in the 6th century (Bellum Persicum 1.3.1). The Red Xyōn, whom Harold W. Bailey identified with the Kermichíōnes or Ermēchíones, are also mentioned, together with the Turks, in connection with eschatological events (Bahman yašt 6.6; Anklesaria, pp. 47-48, 117; for other citations in Parthian and Middle Persian literature, see Ayādgār ī Zarērān, in Pahlavi Texts, ed. Jamasp-Asana, pp. 1-18; Dēnkard, ed. Madan, p. 643; cf. Bailey, 1954, pp. 15-16, for parallels from Indian litera­ture: śveta-hūṇa or sita-hūṇa = White Huns, hala-hūṇa = dark, or Red, Huns).

Yeah I read about them, the Guptas was an Indian Faction and Huns destroy they empire.

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Yes, Sughdians warrior are cavalry and murals from Panjakent are the best evidence.

Unfortunately, CA ignore the facts and the research done by the archaeologists and came out with their semi fictional Sughdian Warrior which they considered as the best shock infantry for the Sassanids in RTW expansion Barbarian Invasion.

Edited by Mega Mania
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Articles from Encyclopedia Iranica:

CLOTHING

iii. In the Arsacid period

The Parthian period (ca. 250 b.c.e.-224 c.e.), when the Arsacid dynasty ruled, or claimed to rule, Persia, was the period in which trousers and sleeved coats became common garb throughout the Near East. These garments, the direct ancestors of modern dress, crossed political and ethnic boundaries and were worn from northern India to Syria, continuing styles already documented for the Achaemenids (see ii, above; Bittner). The conquests of Alexander the Great and subsequent Seleucid rule produced no change in Persian dress. On the contrary, Persian styles spread and even on occasion influenced the dress of the Greeks.

Male clothing. The most distinctive Parthian garment was trousers (šalwār) of fairly fine fabric that fell in elliptical folds to the ankles (Kawami, 1987, pl. 11), where the hems might be fastened snugly or pushed into boot tops (Kawami, 1987, pls. 7, 4). It has been suggested that in some Parthian sculptures, for instance, the well-known bronze figure from Šāmī (Shami) in Ḵūzestān (ancient Elymais; see plate lxvii), the representations of trousers were actually intended as leggings of leather, worn for protection while riding (Godard, p. 158). The Šāmī “prince” does indeed wear leggings of an unidentified material, but they are worn over trousers, not in place of them, and the fine soft drape of the material does not evoke leather. A second type of trousers had sharp vertical pleats (Kawami, 1987, pls. 4, 26). The apparent stiffness of the pleats and their pronounced width suggest a heavy cotton, linen, or wool fabric (for Parthian textiles, see Kawami, 1989). A third type appears only on a relief from Bard-e Nešānda (Bard-i Neshandeh; see plate lxviii) in Ḵūzestān, where trousers with horizontal folds or wrinkles are depicted (Kawami, 1987, pl. 26). Neither the trousers with elliptical folds nor those with vertical pleats appear in the Achaemenid reliefs at Persepolis (see ii, above). The third type of trousers is, however, shown as part of the garb of the Bactrian delegation on the Apadāna reliefs (Schmidt, I, p. 195, pl. 41A-, suggesting a northeastern origin for the garment.

Two types of sleeved garment were worn with the trousers, a fitted jacket that closed in front and a loose tunic with no discernible opening, both worn belted. These garments were worn by royal and nonroyal figures. The earliest version of the jacket resembles Achaemenid examples and is documented at Assur in northern Mesopotamia in the early 1st century c.e. (Colledge, pl. 28b). It was a short, hip-length garment wrapped diagonally across the chest, its snug fit accentuated by a narrow belt at the waist, appropriate dress for such active pursuits as hunting on horseback, when loose folds might have hampered movement. This type of jacket appears on sculptures from Ḵūzestān, on coins of the Arsacid kings, and in nonroyal representations (Kawami, 1987, pls. 7, 11; Camb. Hist. Iran III/1, pls. 4/1, 5/12, 6/1, 9/3). A related version, a knee-length coat left open in front to reveal a tunic underneath, is also known from many Achaemenid representations. In these earlier illustrations, however, the coat is always shown draped loosely over the shoulders, the sleeves dangling empty at the sides. Indeed, a fur coat with sleeves too narrow to be wearable has survived from the 5th-4th century b.c.e. (Kawami, 1989, p. 16 n. 50). Parthian representations of this coat are somewhat later in date than those of the short, fitted jacket. In Persia it is known only from Bard-e Nešānda, where both the Arsacid king and his attendants wear it (Kawami, 1987, pl. 26). Outside Persia, however, it is well documented on royal images, from Hatra in Mesopotamia to the Kushan kingdom in what is now Pakistan and Afghanistan (Ghirshman, p. 89, fig. 100; Colledge, pl. 14).

The second basic type of sleeved garment, the long tunic, was worn either under the open coat or, more commonly, by itself. Outside Persia it was sometimes patterned all over with diamond shapes, which could also appear on trousers. Persian tunics were ornamented with bands, probably embroidered or woven, at the wrists and necklines. Occasionally one to three ornamental strips ran down the front of the garment, evoking the decorated tunics of the late Hellenistic Mediterranean (Kawami, 1987, p. 142, pl. 4; Trilling, pp. 47-49, 64-72, 77). The tunic was frequently secured by a loose, low-slung belt worn at the hips. Such belts could be simple broad bands, presumably of leather, or they might feature a variable number of decorative medallions or plaques. A complete gold belt of a similar design has been excavated in northern Afghanistan (Sarianidi, no. 4.2, pp. 150-54, 246-47). Although outside the area of direct Parthian or Arsacid control, this find is dated to the Parthian period. In the second half of the Parthian period two types of tunic can be distinguished in representations. One type, worn with an elaborate broad belt, has a flaring hem suggestive of a smooth, stiff fabric. It has parallels in the dress of the Kushans (Ghirshman, pp. 269, 279; Colledge, pl. 14a- and other related groups to the east (Kawami, 1987, pp. 144-45). The other type is distinguished by fine, soft pleats and a narrow belt and is related to contemporary dress at Palmyra in Syria (Ghirshman, p. 3 figs. 4-5, pp. 78-79). Both types of tunic are documented in Ḵūzestān, where trade routes from eastern and western Asia met. The major regional distinction that can be observed in Parthian dress is the preference in most of western Persia for the short belted jacket, whereas the longer, fuller tunic was preferred in Ḵūzestān.

Another distinctive item of clothing, a long, narrow bundle of fabric worn over the left shoulder, is known only from Ḵūzestān. It occurs regularly in depictions of rulers on the early coinage of Elymais issued by the local Kamnaskirid dynasty (1st century b.c.e.-1st century c.e.; Camb. Hist. Iran III/1, pls. 11/12, 12/1-2) and later on sculptures in the same region (Kawami, 1987, pls. 26, 38, 59). It was never worn by the Arsacid kings and appears only once outside Ḵūzestān, at Bīsotūn (Kawami, 1987, pl. 4). As it is usually worn by priestly, rather than secular, figures in these representations, it has been interpreted as a badge of religious office; the evidence of the Kamnaskirid coins would then suggest that they held such office themselves (Henning, p. 165). The origins of the roll are obscure; one possibility is that it was derived from the twist or loop of cloth carried by the figure directly behind the royal figure in a relief in the Treasury at Persepolis (Schmidt, I, pl. 121).

The footgear of this period, boots of soft leather, continues a general type known in the Achaemenid period, but the Achaemenid examples are worn only by delegations from the northeastern regions carved on the Apadāna reliefs at Persepolis (Schmidt, I, pls. 30B, 33B, 41A-. The latter illustrate footgear that originated in the regions in which the Arsacid dynasty arose. The simple style precludes recognition of most utilitarian details, showing only the differences in the height of the boot tops and occasionally the use of straps with ornate buckles to secure the loose material at the ankle (Kawami, 1987, pl. 31). Examples of these buckles have been excavated at the Parthian site of Tilga Tepe in northern Afghanistan (Sarianidi, no. 4.1, pp. 182, 246, 247), but none is known from Persia proper. The multiple straps seen in some Achaemenid renderings (Bittner, pls. 2-5a) are not shown in Parthian representations.

Female clothing. Women are seldom represented in Parthian reliefs. Their main dress seems to have consisted of a long, full garment, belted at the waist and falling to the ankles in many fine pleats. It is distinguished from the loose male tunic only by its length. A second element of female garb was a veil covering the back of the head. Such veils were common throughout the Near East and the Aegean from the Achaemenid (see ii, above) through the Parthian period (Macurdy). Footgear was presumably similar to that of men, but the few known representations are too summary to warrant further conclusions.
Edited by Mega Mania
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The sculpture from Taq-i Bustan was beyond time frame.

Something fishy about the banner man who carries a flag with a portrait of a woman.

IMHO, Persian infantry from Restitutor Orbis is far better than Gripping Beast miniatures Sassanid infantry.

levyspearmen.png

Why? because early Sassanid infantry have no real uniform at all.

However, Persian Archers from Gripping Beast was the best model for 0 AD Sassanid archer.

Edited by Mega Mania
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